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May 28, 2016

オバマのプラハ演説 核廃絶宣言



正直申し上げて、プラハ演説とそれに続くノーベル平和賞受賞には、あまりの理想論に賛同できませんでしたが、オバマ大統領のこの演説がなければ広島訪問もなかったのだろうと思い、改めて、掲載します。2009年当時から広島訪問を模索していたといわれるオバマ大統領ですが、任期最後の年にそれを実現されました。その姿勢は大変立派だと思います。

こちらはホワイトハウス公式の字幕なしバージョンです


ホワイトハウス Remarks By President Barack Obama In Prague As Delivered
https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-barack-obama-prague-delivered

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA Hradcany Square Prague, Czech Republic 10:21 A.M. (Local) April 5, 2009

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you so much. Thank you for this wonderful welcome. Thank you to the people of Prague. Thank you to the people of the Czech Republic. (Applause.) Today, I'm proud to stand here with you in the middle of this great city, in the center of Europe. (Applause.) And, to paraphrase one of my predecessors, I am also proud to be the man who brought Michelle Obama to Prague. (Applause.) To Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, to all the dignitaries who are here, thank you for your extraordinary hospitality. And to the people of the Czech Republic, thank you for your friendship to the United States. (Applause.)

I've learned over many years to appreciate the good company and the good humor of the Czech people in my hometown of Chicago. (Applause.) Behind me is a statue of a hero of the Czech people –- Tomas Masaryk. (Applause.) In 1918, after America had pledged its support for Czech independence, Masaryk spoke to a crowd in Chicago that was estimated to be over 100,000. I don't think I can match his record -- (laughter) -- but I am honored to follow his footsteps from Chicago to Prague. (Applause.) For over a thousand years, Prague has set itself apart from any other city in any other place. You've known war and peace. You've seen empires rise and fall. You've led revolutions in the arts and science, in politics and in poetry. Through it all, the people of Prague have insisted on pursuing their own path, and defining their own destiny. And this city –- this Golden City which is both ancient and youthful -– stands as a living monument to your unconquerable spirit.

When I was born, the world was divided, and our nations were faced with very different circumstances. Few people would have predicted that someone like me would one day become the President of the United States. (Applause.) Few people would have predicted that an American President would one day be permitted to speak to an audience like this in Prague. (Applause.) Few would have imagined that the Czech Republic would become a free nation, a member of NATO, a leader of a united Europe. Those ideas would have been dismissed as dreams.

We are here today because enough people ignored the voices who told them that the world could not change. We're here today because of the courage of those who stood up and took risks to say that freedom is a right for all people, no matter what side of a wall they live on, and no matter what they look like.

We are here today because of the Prague Spring –- because the simple and principled pursuit of liberty and opportunity shamed those who relied on the power of tanks and arms to put down the will of a people.

We are here today because 20 years ago, the people of this city took to the streets to claim the promise of a new day, and the fundamental human rights that had been denied them for far too long. Sametová Revoluce -- (applause) -- the Velvet Revolution taught us many things. It showed us that peaceful protest could shake the foundations of an empire, and expose the emptiness of an ideology. It showed us that small countries can play a pivotal role in world events, and that young people can lead the way in overcoming old conflicts. (Applause.) And it proved that moral leadership is more powerful than any weapon.

That's why I'm speaking to you in the center of a Europe that is peaceful, united and free -– because ordinary people believed that divisions could be bridged, even when their leaders did not. They believed that walls could come down; that peace could prevail.

We are here today because Americans and Czechs believed against all odds that today could be possible. (Applause.)

Now, we share this common history. But now this generation -– our generation -– cannot stand still. We, too, have a choice to make. As the world has become less divided, it has become more interconnected. And we've seen events move faster than our ability to control them -– a global economy in crisis, a changing climate, the persistent dangers of old conflicts, new threats and the spread of catastrophic weapons.

None of these challenges can be solved quickly or easily. But all of them demand that we listen to one another and work together; that we focus on our common interests, not on occasional differences; and that we reaffirm our shared values, which are stronger than any force that could drive us apart.  That is the work that we must carry on. That is the work that I have come to Europe to begin. (Applause.)

To renew our prosperity, we need action coordinated across borders. That means investments to create new jobs. That means resisting the walls of protectionism that stand in the way of growth. That means a change in our financial system, with new rules to prevent abuse and future crisis. (Applause.)

And we have an obligation to our common prosperity and our common humanity to extend a hand to those emerging markets and impoverished people who are suffering the most, even though they may have had very little to do with financial crises, which is why we set aside over a trillion dollars for the International Monetary Fund earlier this week, to make sure that everybody -- everybody -- receives some assistance. (Applause.)

Now, to protect our planet, now is the time to change the way that we use energy. (Applause.) Together, we must confront climate change by ending the world's dependence on fossil fuels, by tapping the power of new sources of energy like the wind and sun, and calling upon all nations to do their part. And I pledge to you that in this global effort, the United States is now ready to lead. (Applause.)

To provide for our common security, we must strengthen our alliance. NATO was founded 60 years ago, after Communism took over Czechoslovakia. That was when the free world learned too late that it could not afford division. So we came together to forge the strongest alliance that the world has ever known. And we should -- stood shoulder to shoulder -- year after year, decade after decade –- until an Iron Curtain was lifted, and freedom spread like flowing water.

This marks the 10th year of NATO membership for the Czech Republic. And I know that many times in the 20th century, decisions were made without you at the table. Great powers let you down, or determined your destiny without your voice being heard. I am here to say that the United States will never turn its back on the people of this nation. (Applause.) We are bound by shared values, shared history -- (applause.) We are bound by shared values and shared history and the enduring promise of our alliance. NATO's Article V states it clearly: An attack on one is an attack on all. That is a promise for our time, and for all time.

The people of the Czech Republic kept that promise after America was attacked; thousands were killed on our soil, and NATO responded. NATO's mission in Afghanistan is fundamental to the safety of people on both sides of the Atlantic. We are targeting the same al Qaeda terrorists who have struck from New York to London, and helping the Afghan people take responsibility for their future. We are demonstrating that free nations can make common cause on behalf of our common security. And I want you to know that we honor the sacrifices of the Czech people in this endeavor, and mourn the loss of those you've lost. But no alliance can afford to stand still. We must work together as NATO members so that we have contingency plans in place to deal with new threats, wherever they may come from. We must strengthen our cooperation with one another, and with other nations and institutions around the world, to confront dangers that recognize no borders. And we must pursue constructive relations with Russia on issues of common concern.

Now, one of those issues that I'll focus on today is fundamental to the security of our nations and to the peace of the world -– that's the future of nuclear weapons in the 21st century. The existence of thousands of nuclear weapons is the most dangerous legacy of the Cold War. No nuclear war was fought between the United States and the Soviet Union, but generations lived with the knowledge that their world could be erased in a single flash of light. Cities like Prague that existed for centuries, that embodied the beauty and the talent of so much of humanity, would have ceased to exist.

Today, the Cold War has disappeared but thousands of those weapons have not. In a strange turn of history, the threat of global nuclear war has gone down, but the risk of a nuclear attack has gone up. More nations have acquired these weapons. Testing has continued. Black market trade in nuclear secrets and nuclear materials abound. The technology to build a bomb has spread. Terrorists are determined to buy, build or steal one. Our efforts to contain these dangers are centered on a global non-proliferation regime, but as more people and nations break the rules, we could reach the point where the center cannot hold. Now, understand, this matters to people everywhere. One nuclear weapon exploded in one city -– be it New York or Moscow, Islamabad or Mumbai, Tokyo or Tel Aviv, Paris or Prague –- could kill hundreds of thousands of people. And no matter where it happens, there is no end to what the consequences might be -– for our global safety, our security, our society, our economy, to our ultimate survival.

Some argue that the spread of these weapons cannot be stopped, cannot be checked -– that we are destined to live in a world where more nations and more people possess the ultimate tools of destruction. Such fatalism is a deadly adversary, for if we believe that the spread of nuclear weapons is inevitable, then in some way we are admitting to ourselves that the use of nuclear weapons is inevitable.

Just as we stood for freedom in the 20th century, we must stand together for the right of people everywhere to live free from fear in the 21st century. (Applause.) And as nuclear power –- as a nuclear power, as the only nuclear power to have used a nuclear weapon, the United States has a moral responsibility to act. We cannot succeed in this endeavor alone, but we can lead it, we can start it.

So today, I state clearly and with conviction America's commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. (Applause.) I'm not naive. This goal will not be reached quickly –- perhaps not in my lifetime. It will take patience and persistence. But now we, too, must ignore the voices who tell us that the world cannot change. We have to insist, "Yes, we can." (Applause.)

Now, let me describe to you the trajectory we need to be on. First, the United States will take concrete steps towards a world without nuclear weapons. To put an end to Cold War thinking, we will reduce the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and urge others to do the same. Make no mistake: As long as these weapons exist, the United States will maintain a safe, secure and effective arsenal to deter any adversary, and guarantee that defense to our allies –- including the Czech Republic. But we will begin the work of reducing our arsenal. To reduce our warheads and stockpiles, we will negotiate a new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty with the Russians this year. (Applause.) President Medvedev and I began this process in London, and will seek a new agreement by the end of this year that is legally binding and sufficiently bold. And this will set the stage for further cuts, and we will seek to include all nuclear weapons states in this endeavor.

To achieve a global ban on nuclear testing, my administration will immediately and aggressively pursue U.S. ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. (Applause.) After more than five decades of talks, it is time for the testing of nuclear weapons to finally be banned.

And to cut off the building blocks needed for a bomb, the United States will seek a new treaty that verifiably ends the production of fissile materials intended for use in state nuclear weapons. If we are serious about stopping the spread of these weapons, then we should put an end to the dedicated production of weapons-grade materials that create them. That's the first step. Second, together we will strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as a basis for cooperation.

The basic bargain is sound: Countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament, countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them, and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. To strengthen the treaty, we should embrace several principles. We need more resources and authority to strengthen international inspections. We need real and immediate consequences for countries caught breaking the rules or trying to leave the treaty without cause.

And we should build a new framework for civil nuclear cooperation, including an international fuel bank, so that countries can access peaceful power without increasing the risks of proliferation. That must be the right of every nation that renounces nuclear weapons, especially developing countries embarking on peaceful programs. And no approach will succeed if it's based on the denial of rights to nations that play by the rules. We must harness the power of nuclear energy on behalf of our efforts to combat climate change, and to advance peace opportunity for all people. But we go forward with no illusions. Some countries will break the rules. That's why we need a structure in place that ensures when any nation does, they will face consequences.

Just this morning, we were reminded again of why we need a new and more rigorous approach to address this threat. North Korea broke the rules once again by testing a rocket that could be used for long range missiles. This provocation underscores the need for action –- not just this afternoon at the U.N. Security Council, but in our determination to prevent the spread of these weapons. Rules must be binding. Violations must be punished. Words must mean something. The world must stand together to prevent the spread of these weapons. Now is the time for a strong international response -- (applause) -- now is the time for a strong international response, and North Korea must know that the path to security and respect will never come through threats and illegal weapons. All nations must come together to build a stronger, global regime. And that's why we must stand shoulder to shoulder to pressure the North Koreans to change course.

Iran has yet to build a nuclear weapon. My administration will seek engagement with Iran based on mutual interests and mutual respect. We believe in dialogue. (Applause.) But in that dialogue we will present a clear choice. We want Iran to take its rightful place in the community of nations, politically and economically. We will support Iran's right to peaceful nuclear energy with rigorous inspections. That's a path that the Islamic Republic can take. Or the government can choose increased isolation, international pressure, and a potential nuclear arms race in the region that will increase insecurity for all.

So let me be clear: Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile activity poses a real threat, not just to the United States, but to Iran's neighbors and our allies. The Czech Republic and Poland have been courageous in agreeing to host a defense against these missiles. As long as the threat from Iran persists, we will go forward with a missile defense system that is cost-effective and proven. (Applause.) If the Iranian threat is eliminated, we will have a stronger basis for security, and the driving force for missile defense construction in Europe will be removed. (Applause.)

So, finally, we must ensure that terrorists never acquire a nuclear weapon. This is the most immediate and extreme threat to global security. One terrorist with one nuclear weapon could unleash massive destruction. Al Qaeda has said it seeks a bomb and that it would have no problem with using it. And we know that there is unsecured nuclear material across the globe. To protect our people, we must act with a sense of purpose without delay. So today I am announcing a new international effort to secure all vulnerable nuclear material around the world within four years. We will set new standards, expand our cooperation with Russia, pursue new partnerships to lock down these sensitive materials. We must also build on our efforts to break up black markets, detect and intercept materials in transit, and use financial tools to disrupt this dangerous trade. Because this threat will be lasting, we should come together to turn efforts such as the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism into durable international institutions. And we should start by having a Global Summit on Nuclear Security that the United States will host within the next year. (Applause.)

Now, I know that there are some who will question whether we can act on such a broad agenda. There are those who doubt whether true international cooperation is possible, given inevitable differences among nations. And there are those who hear talk of a world without nuclear weapons and doubt whether it's worth setting a goal that seems impossible to achieve.

But make no mistake: We know where that road leads. When nations and peoples allow themselves to be defined by their differences, the gulf between them widens. When we fail to pursue peace, then it stays forever beyond our grasp. We know the path when we choose fear over hope. To denounce or shrug off a call for cooperation is an easy but also a cowardly thing to do. That's how wars begin. That's where human progress ends.

There is violence and injustice in our world that must be confronted. We must confront it not by splitting apart but by standing together as free nations, as free people. (Applause.) I know that a call to arms can stir the souls of men and women more than a call to lay them down. But that is why the voices for peace and progress must be raised together. (Applause.)

Those are the voices that still echo through the streets of Prague. Those are the ghosts of 1968. Those were the joyful sounds of the Velvet Revolution. Those were the Czechs who helped bring down a nuclear-armed empire without firing a shot. Human destiny will be what we make of it. And here in Prague, let us honor our past by reaching for a better future. Let us bridge our divisions, build upon our hopes, accept our responsibility to leave this world more prosperous and more peaceful than we found it. (Applause.) Together we can do it.

Thank you very much. Thank you, Prague. (Applause.)

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オバマ、広島を訪問

オバマ大統領、広島を訪問してくださってありがとうございました。感動的な1日となりました。願わくば、世界にとっても歴史的な1日となりますように。


NYT Text of President Obama’s Speech in Hiroshima, Japan

Seventy-one years ago, on a bright cloudless morning, death fell from the sky and the world was changed. A flash of light and a wall of fire destroyed a city and demonstrated that mankind possessed the means to destroy itself.

Why do we come to this place, to Hiroshima? We come to ponder a terrible force unleashed in a not-so-distant past. We come to mourn the dead, including over 100,000 Japanese men, women and children, thousands of Koreans, a dozen Americans held prisoner.

Their souls speak to us. They ask us to look inward, to take stock of who we are and what we might become.

It is not the fact of war that sets Hiroshima apart. Artifacts tell us that violent conflict appeared with the very first man. Our early ancestors having learned to make blades from flint and spears from wood used these tools not just for hunting but against their own kind. On every continent, the history of civilization is filled with war, whether driven by scarcity of grain or hunger for gold, compelled by nationalist fervor or religious zeal. Empires have risen and fallen. Peoples have been subjugated and liberated. And at each juncture, innocents have suffered, a countless toll, their names forgotten by time.

The world war that reached its brutal end in Hiroshima and Nagasaki was fought among the wealthiest and most powerful of nations. Their civilizations had given the world great cities and magnificent art. Their thinkers had advanced ideas of justice and harmony and truth. And yet the war grew out of the same base instinct for domination or conquest that had caused conflicts among the simplest tribes, an old pattern amplified by new capabilities and without new constraints.

In the span of a few years, some 60 million people would die. Men, women, children, no different than us. Shot, beaten, marched, bombed, jailed, starved, gassed to death. There are many sites around the world that chronicle this war, memorials that tell stories of courage and heroism, graves and empty camps that echo of unspeakable depravity.

Yet in the image of a mushroom cloud that rose into these skies, we are most starkly reminded of humanity’s core contradiction. How the very spark that marks us as a species, our thoughts, our imagination, our language, our toolmaking, our ability to set ourselves apart from nature and bend it to our will — those very things also give us the capacity for unmatched destruction.

How often does material advancement or social innovation blind us to this truth? How easily we learn to justify violence in the name of some higher cause.

Every great religion promises a pathway to love and peace and righteousness, and yet no religion has been spared from believers who have claimed their faith as a license to kill.

Nations arise telling a story that binds people together in sacrifice and cooperation, allowing for remarkable feats. But those same stories have so often been used to oppress and dehumanize those who are different.

Science allows us to communicate across the seas and fly above the clouds, to cure disease and understand the cosmos, but those same discoveries can be turned into ever more efficient killing machines.

The wars of the modern age teach us this truth. Hiroshima teaches this truth. Technological progress without an equivalent progress in human institutions can doom us. The scientific revolution that led to the splitting of an atom requires a moral revolution as well.

That is why we come to this place. We stand here in the middle of this city and force ourselves to imagine the moment the bomb fell. We force ourselves to feel the dread of children confused by what they see. We listen to a silent cry. We remember all the innocents killed across the arc of that terrible war and the wars that came before and the wars that would follow.

Mere words cannot give voice to such suffering. But we have a shared responsibility to look directly into the eye of history and ask what we must do differently to curb such suffering again.

Some day, the voices of the hibakusha will no longer be with us to bear witness. But the memory of the morning of Aug. 6, 1945, must never fade. That memory allows us to fight complacency. It fuels our moral imagination. It allows us to change.

And since that fateful day, we have made choices that give us hope. The United States and Japan have forged not only an alliance but a friendship that has won far more for our people than we could ever claim through war. The nations of Europe built a union that replaced battlefields with bonds of commerce and democracy. Oppressed people and nations won liberation. An international community established institutions and treaties that work to avoid war and aspire to restrict and roll back and ultimately eliminate the existence of nuclear weapons.

Still, every act of aggression between nations, every act of terror and corruption and cruelty and oppression that we see around the world shows our work is never done. We may not be able to eliminate man’s capacity to do evil, so nations and the alliances that we form must possess the means to defend ourselves. But among those nations like my own that hold nuclear stockpiles, we must have the courage to escape the logic of fear and pursue a world without them.

We may not realize this goal in my lifetime, but persistent effort can roll back the possibility of catastrophe. We can chart a course that leads to the destruction of these stockpiles. We can stop the spread to new nations and secure deadly materials from fanatics.

And yet that is not enough. For we see around the world today how even the crudest rifles and barrel bombs can serve up violence on a terrible scale. We must change our mind-set about war itself. To prevent conflict through diplomacy and strive to end conflicts after they’ve begun. To see our growing interdependence as a cause for peaceful cooperation and not violent competition. To define our nations not by our capacity to destroy but by what we build. And perhaps, above all, we must reimagine our connection to one another as members of one human race.

For this, too, is what makes our species unique. We’re not bound by genetic code to repeat the mistakes of the past. We can learn. We can choose. We can tell our children a different story, one that describes a common humanity, one that makes war less likely and cruelty less easily accepted.

We see these stories in the hibakusha. The woman who forgave a pilot who flew the plane that dropped the atomic bomb because she recognized that what she really hated was war itself. The man who sought out families of Americans killed here because he believed their loss was equal to his own.

My own nation’s story began with simple words: All men are created equal and endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights including life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Realizing that ideal has never been easy, even within our own borders, even among our own citizens. But staying true to that story is worth the effort. It is an ideal to be strived for, an ideal that extends across continents and across oceans. The irreducible worth of every person, the insistence that every life is precious, the radical and necessary notion that we are part of a single human family — that is the story that we all must tell.

That is why we come to Hiroshima. So that we might think of people we love. The first smile from our children in the morning. The gentle touch from a spouse over the kitchen table. The comforting embrace of a parent. We can think of those things and know that those same precious moments took place here, 71 years ago.

Those who died, they are like us. Ordinary people understand this, I think. They do not want more war. They would rather that the wonders of science be focused on improving life and not eliminating it. When the choices made by nations, when the choices made by leaders, reflect this simple wisdom, then the lesson of Hiroshima is done.

The world was forever changed here, but today the children of this city will go through their day in peace. What a precious thing that is. It is worth protecting, and then extending to every child. That is a future we can choose, a future in which Hiroshima and Nagasaki are known not as the dawn of atomic warfare but as the start of our own moral awakening.



ここは日本を代表する朝日新聞の全訳をと思いましたが、会員登録しないと読めないので、ネット系には寛容と思われる産経新聞さんより、全訳を掲載させていただきます。

産経 オバマ大統領広島演説(全文)

71年前の雲一つない明るい朝、空から死が舞い降り、世界は変わった。閃光(せんこう)と火柱が都市を破壊し、人類は自ら破壊する手段を手にすることを示した。

 われわれはなぜ広島に来たのか。そう遠くない過去に解き放たれた残虐な力に思いをめぐらせるためだ。われわれは命を落とした10万人を超える日本の男女、子供、何千人もの朝鮮半島出身者、十数人の米国人捕虜を悼む。

 その魂が私たちに話しかけてくる。彼らはわれわれに対し、もっと内なる心に目をむけ、自分の今の姿とこれからなるであろう姿を見るように訴える。

 広島を際立たせているのは、戦争という事実ではない。過去の遺物は、暴力による争いが最初の人類とともに出現していたことをわれわれに教えてくれる。初期の人類は、火打ち石から刃物を作り、木からやりを作る方法を学び、これらの道具を、狩りだけでなく同じ人類に対しても使った。

 いずれの大陸も文明の歴史は戦争で満ちており、食糧不足や黄金への渇望に駆り立てられ、民族主義者の熱意や宗教上の熱情にせき立てられた。帝国は台頭し、そして衰退した。民族は支配下に置かれ、解放されたりしてきた。転換点において罪のない人々が苦しみ、数え切れない多くの人が犠牲となり、彼らの名前は時がたつと忘れ去られてきた。

 広島と長崎で残酷な終焉(しゅうえん)を迎えた世界大戦は、最も豊かで強い国家間で勃発した。彼らの文明は偉大な都市と素晴らしい芸術を育んでいた。思想家は正義と調和、真実という理念を発達させていた。しかし、戦争は、初期の部族間で争いを引き起こしてきたのと同様に支配あるいは征服の基本的本能により生じてきた。抑制を伴わない新たな能力が、昔からのパターンを増幅させた。

 ほんの数年の間で約6千万人が死んだ。男性、女性、子供たちはわれわれと変わるところがない人たちだった。撃たれたり、殴られたり、連行されたり、爆弾を落とされたり、投獄されたり、飢えさせられたり、毒ガスを使われたりして死んだ。

 世界各地には、勇気や勇敢な行動を伝える記念碑や、言葉にできないような悪行を映す墓や空っぽの収容所など、この戦争を記録する場所が多くある。

 しかし、この空に上がった、きのこ雲のイメージが、われわれに人類の根本的な矛盾を想起させた。われわれを人類たらしめる能力、思想、想像、言語、道具づくりや、自然とは違う能力、自然をわれわれの意志に従わせる能力、これらのものが無類の破壊能力をわれわれにもたらした。

 物質的進歩や社会革新がこの真実から、われわれの目を曇らせることがどれほど多いであろうか。高邁(こうまい)な理由で暴力を正当化することはどれほど安易なことか。

 偉大な全ての宗教は愛や平和、公正な道を約束している。一方で、どの宗教もその信仰が殺人を許容していると主張するような信者の存在から逃れることはない。

 国家は、犠牲と協力を結び付ける物語をつむぎながら発展してきた。さまざまな偉業を生んだが、この物語が抑圧や相違を持つ人々の人間性を奪うことにも使われてきた。科学はわれわれに海を越えてコミュニケーションを取ることを可能にし、空を飛び、病気を治し、宇宙を理解することを可能にした。しかし同じ発見は、より効果的な殺人機械へとなり得る。

 現代の戦争はこうした真実をわれわれに伝える。広島はこの真実を伝える。人間社会の発展なき技術の進展はわれわれを破滅させる。原子核の分裂につながった科学的な革命は、倫理上の革命も求められることにつながる。

 だからこそわれわれはこの地に来た。この街の中心に立ち、爆弾が投下されたときの瞬間について考えることを自らに強いる。惨禍を目にした子供たちの恐怖を感じることを自らに課す。

 無言の泣き声に耳を澄ませる。われわれはあの恐ろしい戦争やその前の戦争、その後に起きた戦争で殺された全ての罪なき人々に思いをはせる。

 単なる言葉でその苦しみを表すことはできない。しかし、われわれは歴史を直視し、そのような苦しみを繰り返さないために何をしなければならないかを問う共通の責任がある。

 いつの日か、生き証人たちの声は聞こえなくなるだろう。しかし1945年8月6日の朝の記憶は決して風化させてはならない。記憶はわれわれの想像力を養い、われわれを変えさせてくれる。

 あの運命の日以来、われわれは希望をもたらす選択もしてきた。米国と日本は同盟関係を築くだけでなく、戦争を通じて得られるものよりももっと多くのものを国民にもたらす友情を築いた。

 欧州の国々は戦場に代わって、交易や民主主義により結ばれている。抑圧された人々や国々は自由を勝ち取った。国際社会は戦争を回避し、核兵器の存在を規制、削減し、完全に廃絶するための機関を創設し協定を結んだ。

 それにも関わらず、世界中で見られる国家間のテロや腐敗、残虐行為や抑圧は、われわれがすべきことには終わりがないことを示している。われわれは人類が悪事を働く能力を除去することはできないかもしれないし、われわれが同盟を組んでいる国々は自らを守る手段を持たなければならない。

 しかし、わが国を含む、それらの国々は核兵器を貯蔵しており、われわれは恐怖の論理から抜け出し、核兵器のない世界を希求する勇気を持たなければならない。こうした目標は私の生きている間は実現しないかもしれないが、粘り強い取り組みが惨禍の可能性を引き下げる。

 われわれはこうした保有核兵器の廃棄に導く道筋を描くことができる。われわれは、新たな国々に拡散したり、致死性の高い物質が狂信者の手に渡ったりするのを防ぐことができる。しかし、まだそれでは不十分だ。なぜなら、われわれは今日、世界中で原始的なライフル銃やたる爆弾でさえ恐るべきスケールの暴力をもたらすことができることを、目の当たりにしているからだ。

 われわれは戦争そのものに対する考え方を変えなければならない。外交を通じて紛争を予防し、始まってしまった紛争を終わらせる努力するために。増大していくわれわれの相互依存関係を、暴力的な競争でなく、平和的な協力の理由として理解するために。破壊する能力によってではなく、築くものによってわれわれの国家を定義するために。そして何よりも、われわれは一つの人類として、お互いの関係を再び認識しなければならない。このことこそが、われわれ人類を独自なものにするのだ。

 われわれは過去の過ちを繰り返す遺伝子によって縛られてはいない。われわれは学ぶことができる。われわれは選択することができる。われわれは子供たちに違う話をすることができ、それは共通の人間性を描き出すことであり、戦争を今より少なくなるようにすること、残酷さをたやすく受け入れることを今よりも少なくすることである。

 われわれはこれらの話をヒバクシャ(被爆者)の中に見ることができる。ある女性は、原爆を投下した飛行機の操縦士を許した。本当に憎むべきは戦争そのものであることに気付いたからだ。ある男性は、ここで死亡した米国人の家族を探し出した。その家族の失ったものは、自分自身が失ったものと同じであることに気付いたからだ。

 わが国は単純な言葉で始まった。「人類は全て、創造主によって平等につくられ、生きること、自由、そして幸福を希求することを含む、奪うことのできない権利を与えられている」

 理想は、自分たちの国内においてさえ、自国の市民の間においてさえ、決して容易ではない。しかし誠実であることには、努力に値する。追求すべき理想であり、大陸と海をまたぐ理想だ。

 全ての人にとってかけがえのない価値、全ての命が大切であるという主張、われわれは人類という一つの家族の仲間であるという根本的で必要な概念。われわれはこれら全ての話を伝えなければならない。

 だからこそ、われわれは広島に来たのだ。われわれが愛する人々のことを考えられるように。朝起きた子供たちの笑顔をまず考えられるように。食卓越しに、夫婦が優しく触れ合うことを考えられるように。両親の温かい抱擁を考えられるように。

 われわれがこうしたことを考えるとき71年前にもここで同じように貴重な時間があったことを思い起こすことができる。亡くなった人々はわれわれと同じ人たちだ。

 普通の人々はこれを理解すると私は思う。彼らは、さらなる戦争を望んでいない。彼らは、科学は生活をより良いものにすることに集中すべきで、生活を台無しにすることに集中してはならないと考えるだろう。

 各国の選択が、あるいは指導者たちの選択がこの単純な分別を反映すれば、広島の教訓は生かされる。

 世界はここ広島で永久に変わってしまったが、この街の子供たちは平和に日常を過ごしている。なんと貴重なことであろうか。これは守るに値し、すべての子供たちに広げていくに値する。これはわれわれが選択できる未来なのだ。

 広島と長崎の将来は、核戦争の夜明けとしてでなく、道徳的な目覚めの契機の場として知られるようになるだろう。そうした未来をわれわれは選び取る。

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