January 12, 2017

さよならオバマ 最後の演説

1月10日、オバマ大統領が、最後の演説、フェアウェル演説をシカゴで行いました。まるで大統領選のように、大衆を前に、大統領がさよなら演説をするのは初めてのことだそうです。

演説中、オバマが感極まって涙ぐんだシーンがありました。聴衆には泣いている人がいたり、「あと4年やって!」と声がかかったりと、好かれているんですね、オバマ。2016年の大統領選にオバマが立候補していればトランプに勝てていただろうと、オバマ自身が言ったということですが、実際そうかもしれません。

オバマウォッチャーとして、オバマ大統領の8年間を振り返れば、正直、外交的には全然ダメだったと思うわけです。一方で内政的には、景気も良くなっているし、トランプがやめると言っているオバマケアで命を救われた人も多いと思います。先日、うっかり継続していたAmazonアンリミテッドが悔しくて読んだWiredでも、AI等の最新技術について、大変深い考察をしていました。思慮深い人なんですね。思慮深く、内政に目を配って、国民に犠牲が出ないようにした、ということでしょう。

さて、オバマに対する否定的評価の原因となっている外交ですが、シリア攻撃を直前に撤回しシリア情勢を悪化させた張本人ですし、中国の南沙諸島埋め立てを放置していたり、その他いろいろあって、私から見ても弱腰すぎと言わざるをえません。

しかし、先日「あの国で、持てる武力を使わないというのも大変なんじゃないか?」という指摘を受け、ハッとしました。そうだろうなあ。あのマッチョな国で武力を使わないなんて。Netflix『サバイバー 宿命の大統領』でも、あのジャックが(違w)武力行使に及び腰な姿勢をみせていまして、その意を強くしました。ある場面では、非情でないと大統領なんて務まらない。その意味でオバマには大統領は向いていなかったんでしょう。ただし2008年のあの時、アメリカ人はそれをわかっていてオバマを選んだので、なるべくしてそうなったともいえます。ただし、それはトランプにも言えることなので、これからかなり恐ろしいですね。(それにしてもトランプの会見ひどいな)

では、オバマ大統領、最後のスピーチです。

さよならオバマ。広島に来てくれて、ありがとう。

ホワイトハウスのHPより全文(英語)です。このページ、トランプになったら残るのかしら?
https://www.whitehouse.gov/farewell

日本語訳を見つけました。こちらを御覧ください。
http://logmi.jp/180020

THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Chicago! (Applause.) It's good to be home! (Applause.) Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you so much. Thank you. (Applause.) All right, everybody sit down. (Applause.) We're on live TV here. I've got to move. (Applause.) You can tell that I'm a lame duck because nobody is following instructions. (Laughter.) Everybody have a seat. (Applause.)

My fellow Americans — (applause) — Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well wishes that we've received over the past few weeks. But tonight, it's my turn to say thanks. (Applause.) Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people, in living rooms and in schools, at farms, on factory floors, at diners and on distant military outposts — those conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man. (Applause.)

So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early 20s. And I was still trying to figure out who I was, still searching for a purpose in my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.

AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!

THE PRESIDENT: I can't do that.

AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!

THE PRESIDENT: This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it.

After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not just my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea — our bold experiment in self-government. It's the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It's the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

What a radical idea. A great gift that our Founders gave to us: The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat and toil and imagination, and the imperative to strive together, as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good.

For 240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It's what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande. (Applause.) It's what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It's what powered workers to organize. It's why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima, Iraq and Afghanistan. And why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs, as well. (Applause.)

So that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional — not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change and make life better for those who follow. Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard. It's always been contentious. Sometimes it's been bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all and not just some. (Applause.)

If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history — (applause) — if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9/11 — (applause) — if I had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens — (applause) — if I had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high. But that's what we did. (Applause.) That's what you did.

You were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started. (Applause.)

In 10 days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy.

AUDIENCE: Nooo —

THE PRESIDENT: No, no, no, no, no — the peaceful transfer of power from one freely elected President to the next. (Applause.) I committed to President-elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. (Applause.) Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face.

We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency of our people. (Applause.) Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests, help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.

That's what I want to focus on tonight: The state of our democracy. Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued. They quarreled. Eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity — the idea that for all our outward differences, we're all in this together; that we rise or fall as one. (Applause.)

There have been moments throughout our history that threatens that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and the specter of terrorism — these forces haven't just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy, as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.

To begin with, our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity. And the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again. (Applause.) The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. (Applause.) Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I've said and I mean it — if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've made to our health care system and that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it. (Applause.)

Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit, but to make people's lives better. (Applause.)

But for all the real progress that we've made, we know it's not enough. Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class. (Applause.) That's the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic ideal. While the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner cities and in rural counties, have been left behind — the laid-off factory worker; the waitress or health care worker who's just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills — convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government only serves the interests of the powerful — that's a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.

But there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good, middle-class jobs obsolete.

And so we're going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need — (applause) — to give workers the power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now, and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals who reap the most from this new economy don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their very success possible. (Applause.)

We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.

There's a second threat to our democracy — and this one is as old as our nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. Now, I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10, or 20, or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say. (Applause.) You can see it not just in statistics, you see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.

But we're not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do. (Applause.) If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. (Applause.) If we're unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children — because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America's workforce. (Applause.) And we have shown that our economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.

So if we're going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination — in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system. (Applause.) That is what our Constitution and our highest ideals require. (Applause.)

But laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. It won't change overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in American fiction — Atticus Finch — (applause) — who said “You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view…until you climb into his skin and walk around in it.”

For blacks and other minority groups, it means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face — not only the refugee, or the immigrant, or the rural poor, or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who, from the outside, may seem like he's got advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic and cultural and technological change. We have to pay attention, and listen. (Applause.)

For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s — (applause) — that when minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness. When they wage peaceful protest, they're not demanding special treatment but the equal treatment that our Founders promised. (Applause.)

For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles — who it was said we're going to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out, America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation's creed, and this nation was strengthened. (Applause.)

So regardless of the station that we occupy, we all have to try harder. We all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own. (Applause.)

And that's not easy to do. For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste — all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it's true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there. (Applause.)

And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. But politics is a battle of ideas. That's how our democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter — (applause) — then we're going to keep talking past each other, and we'll make common ground and compromise impossible. (Applause.)

And isn't that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations? (Applause.) How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating. Because, as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you. (Applause.)

Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our dependence on foreign oil; we've doubled our renewable energy; we've led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. (Applause.) But without bolder action, our children won't have time to debate the existence of climate change. They'll be busy dealing with its effects: more environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.

Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country — the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders. (Applause.)

It is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse — the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.

It's that spirit — a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might — that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression; that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but built on principles — the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion, and speech, and assembly, and an independent press. (Applause.)

That order is now being challenged — first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets and open democracies and and civil society itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what's true and what's right.

Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, because of our intelligence officers, and law enforcement, and diplomats who support our troops — (applause) — no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years. (Applause.) And although Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists — including bin Laden. (Applause.) The global coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. (Applause.)

And to all who serve or have served, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude. (Applause.)

But protecting our way of life, that's not just the job of our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So, just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. (Applause.)

And that's why, for the past eight years, I've worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That's why we've ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. (Applause.) That's why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans, who are just as patriotic as we are. (Applause.)

That's why we cannot withdraw from big global fights — to expand democracy, and human rights, and women's rights, and LGBT rights. No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that's part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.

So let's be vigilant, but not afraid. (Applause.) ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. (Applause.) Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world — unless we give up what we stand for — (applause) — and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.

Which brings me to my final point: Our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. (Applause.) All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. (Applause.) When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote. (Applause.) When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. (Applause.) When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our congressional districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes. (Applause.)

But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be swinging.

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. (Applause.) We, the people, give it meaning. With our participation, and with the choices that we make, and the alliances that we forge. (Applause.) Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. That's up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.

In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but “from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken…to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth.” And so we have to preserve this truth with “jealous anxiety;” that we should reject “the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties” that make us one. (Applause.)

America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character aren't even willing to enter into public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen not just as misguided but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them. (Applause.)

It falls to each of us to be those those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy; to embrace the joyous task we've been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward differences, we, in fact, all share the same proud title, the most important office in a democracy: Citizen. (Applause.) Citizen.

So, you see, that's what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real life. (Applause.) If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing. (Applause.) If you're disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for office yourself. (Applause.) Show up. Dive in. Stay at it.

Sometimes you'll win. Sometimes you'll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness in other people, that can be a risk, and there will be times when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been a part of this work, and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America — and in Americans — will be confirmed. (Applause.)

Mine sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I've seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church. I've seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I've seen wounded warriors who at points were given up for dead walk again. I've seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I've seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees, or work for peace, and, above all, to look out for each other. (Applause.)

So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change — that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope your faith has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004, in 2008, 2012 — (applause) — maybe you still can't believe we pulled this whole thing off. Let me tell you, you're not the only ones. (Laughter.)

Michelle — (applause) — Michelle LaVaughn Robinson, girl of the South Side — (applause) — for the past 25 years, you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend. (Applause.) You took on a role you didn't ask for and you made it your own, with grace and with grit and with style and good humor. (Applause.) You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody. (Applause.) And the new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model. (Applause.) So you have made me proud. And you have made the country proud. (Applause.)

Malia and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two amazing young women. You are smart and you are beautiful, but more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion. (Applause.) You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I've done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad. (Applause.)

To Joe Biden — (applause) — the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware's favorite son — you were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best. (Applause.) Not just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives. (Applause.)

To my remarkable staff: For eight years — and for some of you, a whole lot more — I have drawn from your energy, and every day I tried to reflect back what you displayed — heart, and character, and idealism. I've watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good that we've done is the thought of all the amazing things that you're going to achieve from here. (Applause.)

And to all of you out there — every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change — you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will be forever grateful. (Applause.) Because you did change the world. (Applause.) You did.

And that's why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans, it has inspired so many Americans — especially so many young people out there — to believe that you can make a difference — (applause) — to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.

Let me tell you, this generation coming up — unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic — I've seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America. (Applause.) You know that constant change has been America's hallmark; that it's not something to fear but something to embrace. You are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You'll soon outnumber all of us, and I believe as a result the future is in good hands. (Applause.)

My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. (Applause.) I won't stop. In fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young or whether you're young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President — the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago. I'm asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change — but in yours.

I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can. (Applause.)

Yes, we did. Yes, we can. (Applause.)

Thank you. God bless you. May God continue to bless the United States of America. (Applause.)



おまけ
NW オバマ米大統領の退任演説は「異例」だった
http://www.newsweekjapan.jp/stories/world/2017/01/post-6700.php

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August 07, 2016

ヒラリー・クリントン指名受諾演説

ヒラリー・クリントンの2016年民主党大会の指名受諾演説です。


演説に「勢い」があまり感じられませんが、8年越の大統領候補にようやっとなれました。イギリスもドイツも女性首相ですし、フランスもルペンさんになったら女性だらけですね! 

好き嫌いは別として、ヒラリーには体に気をつけて頑張って欲しいです。

それにしても、ドナルド・トランプでいいのか?共和党???

ヒラリーの演説原稿はこちらから
LATimes Transcript: Hillary Clinton's DNC speech, annotated

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2016年民主党大会 オバマ大統領演説

2016年民主党大会におけるオバマ大統領のヒラリー支持の演説です。


President Barack Obama's full speech at the 2016 Democratic National Convention


全文はこちらから。

President Obama's Speech At The Democratic Convention

http://www.npr.org/2016/07/28/487722643/read-president-obamas-speech-at-the-democratic-convention

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ミシェル・オバマに惚れ直しそうw

さて、ウェブ担当になっちゃった愚痴もとい奮闘をこれから書いていくと宣言したばかりですが、どうも8年前のミシェルの演説のエントリに人気が集まっているのを見つけました。はは〜ん、メラニア・トランプ(トランプ夫人)の盗作問題ですね!w

jinandtonic 民主党大会 ミシェル・オバマ演説
http://jinandtonic.air-nifty.com/blog/2012/09/post-4197.html


では、一応、民主党大会の演説を拾っておこうかしらと思い立ったわけですが…。

ミシェルが今回の民主党大会でも、良い腕を発揮したらしいですよ! 相変わらず、ほれぼれする腕ですけどね!

Newsweek 渡辺由佳里  大荒れの民主党大会で会場を鎮めたミシェルのスピーチ
http://www.newsweekjapan.jp/stories/world/2016/07/post-5549_2.php
 サンダース支持のマークレイやシルバーマンまで野次で妨害された。そんな大荒れの雰囲気を収めたのが、ミシェル・オバマだった。彼女がヒラリー支援を宣言したときに、サンダース支持者からは、ブーイングや「バーニー! バーニー!」というチャントが起こったが、「8年前に(予備選に敗れたヒラリーが)指名を得ることができなかったとき、彼女は怒ったり、幻滅したりはしなかった」と、スピーチで間接的にたしなめた。

 アメリカのポジティブな面に焦点を絞ったミシェルのスピーチは、怒りや憎しみをかきたてるトランプとは対称的で、特に次の部分は聴衆全体の心を掴んだ。「私は、奴隷が建てた家(ホワイトハウス)で、毎朝目覚めます。そして、私の娘たち、賢くて美しい2人の若い黒人女性がホワイトハウスの芝生で犬と戯れるのを眺めます。ヒラリー・クリントンのおかげで、私たち全員の息子や娘たちは、女性が大統領になるのを当たり前だと思えるようになるのです」

ミシェル、やるじゃん!

というわけで、ミシェル・オバマ大統領夫人の、2016年民主党大会の演説です。

Michelle Obama's Speech



4分21秒あたりに、ヒラリーを支持します。たしなめるのは5分45秒あたり。

And when she didn't win the nomination eight years ago, she didn't get angry or disillusioned.
言ってますね!


全文はこちらで

Michelle Obama's Speech At 2016 Democratic National Convention:NPR

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May 28, 2016

オバマのプラハ演説 核廃絶宣言



正直申し上げて、プラハ演説とそれに続くノーベル平和賞受賞には、あまりの理想論に賛同できませんでしたが、オバマ大統領のこの演説がなければ広島訪問もなかったのだろうと思い、改めて、掲載します。2009年当時から広島訪問を模索していたといわれるオバマ大統領ですが、任期最後の年にそれを実現されました。その姿勢は大変立派だと思います。

こちらはホワイトハウス公式の字幕なしバージョンです


ホワイトハウス Remarks By President Barack Obama In Prague As Delivered
https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-barack-obama-prague-delivered

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA Hradcany Square Prague, Czech Republic 10:21 A.M. (Local) April 5, 2009

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you so much. Thank you for this wonderful welcome. Thank you to the people of Prague. Thank you to the people of the Czech Republic. (Applause.) Today, I'm proud to stand here with you in the middle of this great city, in the center of Europe. (Applause.) And, to paraphrase one of my predecessors, I am also proud to be the man who brought Michelle Obama to Prague. (Applause.) To Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, to all the dignitaries who are here, thank you for your extraordinary hospitality. And to the people of the Czech Republic, thank you for your friendship to the United States. (Applause.)

I've learned over many years to appreciate the good company and the good humor of the Czech people in my hometown of Chicago. (Applause.) Behind me is a statue of a hero of the Czech people –- Tomas Masaryk. (Applause.) In 1918, after America had pledged its support for Czech independence, Masaryk spoke to a crowd in Chicago that was estimated to be over 100,000. I don't think I can match his record -- (laughter) -- but I am honored to follow his footsteps from Chicago to Prague. (Applause.) For over a thousand years, Prague has set itself apart from any other city in any other place. You've known war and peace. You've seen empires rise and fall. You've led revolutions in the arts and science, in politics and in poetry. Through it all, the people of Prague have insisted on pursuing their own path, and defining their own destiny. And this city –- this Golden City which is both ancient and youthful -– stands as a living monument to your unconquerable spirit.

When I was born, the world was divided, and our nations were faced with very different circumstances. Few people would have predicted that someone like me would one day become the President of the United States. (Applause.) Few people would have predicted that an American President would one day be permitted to speak to an audience like this in Prague. (Applause.) Few would have imagined that the Czech Republic would become a free nation, a member of NATO, a leader of a united Europe. Those ideas would have been dismissed as dreams.

We are here today because enough people ignored the voices who told them that the world could not change. We're here today because of the courage of those who stood up and took risks to say that freedom is a right for all people, no matter what side of a wall they live on, and no matter what they look like.

We are here today because of the Prague Spring –- because the simple and principled pursuit of liberty and opportunity shamed those who relied on the power of tanks and arms to put down the will of a people.

We are here today because 20 years ago, the people of this city took to the streets to claim the promise of a new day, and the fundamental human rights that had been denied them for far too long. Sametová Revoluce -- (applause) -- the Velvet Revolution taught us many things. It showed us that peaceful protest could shake the foundations of an empire, and expose the emptiness of an ideology. It showed us that small countries can play a pivotal role in world events, and that young people can lead the way in overcoming old conflicts. (Applause.) And it proved that moral leadership is more powerful than any weapon.

That's why I'm speaking to you in the center of a Europe that is peaceful, united and free -– because ordinary people believed that divisions could be bridged, even when their leaders did not. They believed that walls could come down; that peace could prevail.

We are here today because Americans and Czechs believed against all odds that today could be possible. (Applause.)

Now, we share this common history. But now this generation -– our generation -– cannot stand still. We, too, have a choice to make. As the world has become less divided, it has become more interconnected. And we've seen events move faster than our ability to control them -– a global economy in crisis, a changing climate, the persistent dangers of old conflicts, new threats and the spread of catastrophic weapons.

None of these challenges can be solved quickly or easily. But all of them demand that we listen to one another and work together; that we focus on our common interests, not on occasional differences; and that we reaffirm our shared values, which are stronger than any force that could drive us apart.  That is the work that we must carry on. That is the work that I have come to Europe to begin. (Applause.)

To renew our prosperity, we need action coordinated across borders. That means investments to create new jobs. That means resisting the walls of protectionism that stand in the way of growth. That means a change in our financial system, with new rules to prevent abuse and future crisis. (Applause.)

And we have an obligation to our common prosperity and our common humanity to extend a hand to those emerging markets and impoverished people who are suffering the most, even though they may have had very little to do with financial crises, which is why we set aside over a trillion dollars for the International Monetary Fund earlier this week, to make sure that everybody -- everybody -- receives some assistance. (Applause.)

Now, to protect our planet, now is the time to change the way that we use energy. (Applause.) Together, we must confront climate change by ending the world's dependence on fossil fuels, by tapping the power of new sources of energy like the wind and sun, and calling upon all nations to do their part. And I pledge to you that in this global effort, the United States is now ready to lead. (Applause.)

To provide for our common security, we must strengthen our alliance. NATO was founded 60 years ago, after Communism took over Czechoslovakia. That was when the free world learned too late that it could not afford division. So we came together to forge the strongest alliance that the world has ever known. And we should -- stood shoulder to shoulder -- year after year, decade after decade –- until an Iron Curtain was lifted, and freedom spread like flowing water.

This marks the 10th year of NATO membership for the Czech Republic. And I know that many times in the 20th century, decisions were made without you at the table. Great powers let you down, or determined your destiny without your voice being heard. I am here to say that the United States will never turn its back on the people of this nation. (Applause.) We are bound by shared values, shared history -- (applause.) We are bound by shared values and shared history and the enduring promise of our alliance. NATO's Article V states it clearly: An attack on one is an attack on all. That is a promise for our time, and for all time.

The people of the Czech Republic kept that promise after America was attacked; thousands were killed on our soil, and NATO responded. NATO's mission in Afghanistan is fundamental to the safety of people on both sides of the Atlantic. We are targeting the same al Qaeda terrorists who have struck from New York to London, and helping the Afghan people take responsibility for their future. We are demonstrating that free nations can make common cause on behalf of our common security. And I want you to know that we honor the sacrifices of the Czech people in this endeavor, and mourn the loss of those you've lost. But no alliance can afford to stand still. We must work together as NATO members so that we have contingency plans in place to deal with new threats, wherever they may come from. We must strengthen our cooperation with one another, and with other nations and institutions around the world, to confront dangers that recognize no borders. And we must pursue constructive relations with Russia on issues of common concern.

Now, one of those issues that I'll focus on today is fundamental to the security of our nations and to the peace of the world -– that's the future of nuclear weapons in the 21st century. The existence of thousands of nuclear weapons is the most dangerous legacy of the Cold War. No nuclear war was fought between the United States and the Soviet Union, but generations lived with the knowledge that their world could be erased in a single flash of light. Cities like Prague that existed for centuries, that embodied the beauty and the talent of so much of humanity, would have ceased to exist.

Today, the Cold War has disappeared but thousands of those weapons have not. In a strange turn of history, the threat of global nuclear war has gone down, but the risk of a nuclear attack has gone up. More nations have acquired these weapons. Testing has continued. Black market trade in nuclear secrets and nuclear materials abound. The technology to build a bomb has spread. Terrorists are determined to buy, build or steal one. Our efforts to contain these dangers are centered on a global non-proliferation regime, but as more people and nations break the rules, we could reach the point where the center cannot hold. Now, understand, this matters to people everywhere. One nuclear weapon exploded in one city -– be it New York or Moscow, Islamabad or Mumbai, Tokyo or Tel Aviv, Paris or Prague –- could kill hundreds of thousands of people. And no matter where it happens, there is no end to what the consequences might be -– for our global safety, our security, our society, our economy, to our ultimate survival.

Some argue that the spread of these weapons cannot be stopped, cannot be checked -– that we are destined to live in a world where more nations and more people possess the ultimate tools of destruction. Such fatalism is a deadly adversary, for if we believe that the spread of nuclear weapons is inevitable, then in some way we are admitting to ourselves that the use of nuclear weapons is inevitable.

Just as we stood for freedom in the 20th century, we must stand together for the right of people everywhere to live free from fear in the 21st century. (Applause.) And as nuclear power –- as a nuclear power, as the only nuclear power to have used a nuclear weapon, the United States has a moral responsibility to act. We cannot succeed in this endeavor alone, but we can lead it, we can start it.

So today, I state clearly and with conviction America's commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. (Applause.) I'm not naive. This goal will not be reached quickly –- perhaps not in my lifetime. It will take patience and persistence. But now we, too, must ignore the voices who tell us that the world cannot change. We have to insist, "Yes, we can." (Applause.)

Now, let me describe to you the trajectory we need to be on. First, the United States will take concrete steps towards a world without nuclear weapons. To put an end to Cold War thinking, we will reduce the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and urge others to do the same. Make no mistake: As long as these weapons exist, the United States will maintain a safe, secure and effective arsenal to deter any adversary, and guarantee that defense to our allies –- including the Czech Republic. But we will begin the work of reducing our arsenal. To reduce our warheads and stockpiles, we will negotiate a new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty with the Russians this year. (Applause.) President Medvedev and I began this process in London, and will seek a new agreement by the end of this year that is legally binding and sufficiently bold. And this will set the stage for further cuts, and we will seek to include all nuclear weapons states in this endeavor.

To achieve a global ban on nuclear testing, my administration will immediately and aggressively pursue U.S. ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. (Applause.) After more than five decades of talks, it is time for the testing of nuclear weapons to finally be banned.

And to cut off the building blocks needed for a bomb, the United States will seek a new treaty that verifiably ends the production of fissile materials intended for use in state nuclear weapons. If we are serious about stopping the spread of these weapons, then we should put an end to the dedicated production of weapons-grade materials that create them. That's the first step. Second, together we will strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as a basis for cooperation.

The basic bargain is sound: Countries with nuclear weapons will move towards disarmament, countries without nuclear weapons will not acquire them, and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. To strengthen the treaty, we should embrace several principles. We need more resources and authority to strengthen international inspections. We need real and immediate consequences for countries caught breaking the rules or trying to leave the treaty without cause.

And we should build a new framework for civil nuclear cooperation, including an international fuel bank, so that countries can access peaceful power without increasing the risks of proliferation. That must be the right of every nation that renounces nuclear weapons, especially developing countries embarking on peaceful programs. And no approach will succeed if it's based on the denial of rights to nations that play by the rules. We must harness the power of nuclear energy on behalf of our efforts to combat climate change, and to advance peace opportunity for all people. But we go forward with no illusions. Some countries will break the rules. That's why we need a structure in place that ensures when any nation does, they will face consequences.

Just this morning, we were reminded again of why we need a new and more rigorous approach to address this threat. North Korea broke the rules once again by testing a rocket that could be used for long range missiles. This provocation underscores the need for action –- not just this afternoon at the U.N. Security Council, but in our determination to prevent the spread of these weapons. Rules must be binding. Violations must be punished. Words must mean something. The world must stand together to prevent the spread of these weapons. Now is the time for a strong international response -- (applause) -- now is the time for a strong international response, and North Korea must know that the path to security and respect will never come through threats and illegal weapons. All nations must come together to build a stronger, global regime. And that's why we must stand shoulder to shoulder to pressure the North Koreans to change course.

Iran has yet to build a nuclear weapon. My administration will seek engagement with Iran based on mutual interests and mutual respect. We believe in dialogue. (Applause.) But in that dialogue we will present a clear choice. We want Iran to take its rightful place in the community of nations, politically and economically. We will support Iran's right to peaceful nuclear energy with rigorous inspections. That's a path that the Islamic Republic can take. Or the government can choose increased isolation, international pressure, and a potential nuclear arms race in the region that will increase insecurity for all.

So let me be clear: Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile activity poses a real threat, not just to the United States, but to Iran's neighbors and our allies. The Czech Republic and Poland have been courageous in agreeing to host a defense against these missiles. As long as the threat from Iran persists, we will go forward with a missile defense system that is cost-effective and proven. (Applause.) If the Iranian threat is eliminated, we will have a stronger basis for security, and the driving force for missile defense construction in Europe will be removed. (Applause.)

So, finally, we must ensure that terrorists never acquire a nuclear weapon. This is the most immediate and extreme threat to global security. One terrorist with one nuclear weapon could unleash massive destruction. Al Qaeda has said it seeks a bomb and that it would have no problem with using it. And we know that there is unsecured nuclear material across the globe. To protect our people, we must act with a sense of purpose without delay. So today I am announcing a new international effort to secure all vulnerable nuclear material around the world within four years. We will set new standards, expand our cooperation with Russia, pursue new partnerships to lock down these sensitive materials. We must also build on our efforts to break up black markets, detect and intercept materials in transit, and use financial tools to disrupt this dangerous trade. Because this threat will be lasting, we should come together to turn efforts such as the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism into durable international institutions. And we should start by having a Global Summit on Nuclear Security that the United States will host within the next year. (Applause.)

Now, I know that there are some who will question whether we can act on such a broad agenda. There are those who doubt whether true international cooperation is possible, given inevitable differences among nations. And there are those who hear talk of a world without nuclear weapons and doubt whether it's worth setting a goal that seems impossible to achieve.

But make no mistake: We know where that road leads. When nations and peoples allow themselves to be defined by their differences, the gulf between them widens. When we fail to pursue peace, then it stays forever beyond our grasp. We know the path when we choose fear over hope. To denounce or shrug off a call for cooperation is an easy but also a cowardly thing to do. That's how wars begin. That's where human progress ends.

There is violence and injustice in our world that must be confronted. We must confront it not by splitting apart but by standing together as free nations, as free people. (Applause.) I know that a call to arms can stir the souls of men and women more than a call to lay them down. But that is why the voices for peace and progress must be raised together. (Applause.)

Those are the voices that still echo through the streets of Prague. Those are the ghosts of 1968. Those were the joyful sounds of the Velvet Revolution. Those were the Czechs who helped bring down a nuclear-armed empire without firing a shot. Human destiny will be what we make of it. And here in Prague, let us honor our past by reaching for a better future. Let us bridge our divisions, build upon our hopes, accept our responsibility to leave this world more prosperous and more peaceful than we found it. (Applause.) Together we can do it.

Thank you very much. Thank you, Prague. (Applause.)

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オバマ、広島を訪問

オバマ大統領、広島を訪問してくださってありがとうございました。感動的な1日となりました。願わくば、世界にとっても歴史的な1日となりますように。


NYT Text of President Obama’s Speech in Hiroshima, Japan

Seventy-one years ago, on a bright cloudless morning, death fell from the sky and the world was changed. A flash of light and a wall of fire destroyed a city and demonstrated that mankind possessed the means to destroy itself.

Why do we come to this place, to Hiroshima? We come to ponder a terrible force unleashed in a not-so-distant past. We come to mourn the dead, including over 100,000 Japanese men, women and children, thousands of Koreans, a dozen Americans held prisoner.

Their souls speak to us. They ask us to look inward, to take stock of who we are and what we might become.

It is not the fact of war that sets Hiroshima apart. Artifacts tell us that violent conflict appeared with the very first man. Our early ancestors having learned to make blades from flint and spears from wood used these tools not just for hunting but against their own kind. On every continent, the history of civilization is filled with war, whether driven by scarcity of grain or hunger for gold, compelled by nationalist fervor or religious zeal. Empires have risen and fallen. Peoples have been subjugated and liberated. And at each juncture, innocents have suffered, a countless toll, their names forgotten by time.

The world war that reached its brutal end in Hiroshima and Nagasaki was fought among the wealthiest and most powerful of nations. Their civilizations had given the world great cities and magnificent art. Their thinkers had advanced ideas of justice and harmony and truth. And yet the war grew out of the same base instinct for domination or conquest that had caused conflicts among the simplest tribes, an old pattern amplified by new capabilities and without new constraints.

In the span of a few years, some 60 million people would die. Men, women, children, no different than us. Shot, beaten, marched, bombed, jailed, starved, gassed to death. There are many sites around the world that chronicle this war, memorials that tell stories of courage and heroism, graves and empty camps that echo of unspeakable depravity.

Yet in the image of a mushroom cloud that rose into these skies, we are most starkly reminded of humanity’s core contradiction. How the very spark that marks us as a species, our thoughts, our imagination, our language, our toolmaking, our ability to set ourselves apart from nature and bend it to our will — those very things also give us the capacity for unmatched destruction.

How often does material advancement or social innovation blind us to this truth? How easily we learn to justify violence in the name of some higher cause.

Every great religion promises a pathway to love and peace and righteousness, and yet no religion has been spared from believers who have claimed their faith as a license to kill.

Nations arise telling a story that binds people together in sacrifice and cooperation, allowing for remarkable feats. But those same stories have so often been used to oppress and dehumanize those who are different.

Science allows us to communicate across the seas and fly above the clouds, to cure disease and understand the cosmos, but those same discoveries can be turned into ever more efficient killing machines.

The wars of the modern age teach us this truth. Hiroshima teaches this truth. Technological progress without an equivalent progress in human institutions can doom us. The scientific revolution that led to the splitting of an atom requires a moral revolution as well.

That is why we come to this place. We stand here in the middle of this city and force ourselves to imagine the moment the bomb fell. We force ourselves to feel the dread of children confused by what they see. We listen to a silent cry. We remember all the innocents killed across the arc of that terrible war and the wars that came before and the wars that would follow.

Mere words cannot give voice to such suffering. But we have a shared responsibility to look directly into the eye of history and ask what we must do differently to curb such suffering again.

Some day, the voices of the hibakusha will no longer be with us to bear witness. But the memory of the morning of Aug. 6, 1945, must never fade. That memory allows us to fight complacency. It fuels our moral imagination. It allows us to change.

And since that fateful day, we have made choices that give us hope. The United States and Japan have forged not only an alliance but a friendship that has won far more for our people than we could ever claim through war. The nations of Europe built a union that replaced battlefields with bonds of commerce and democracy. Oppressed people and nations won liberation. An international community established institutions and treaties that work to avoid war and aspire to restrict and roll back and ultimately eliminate the existence of nuclear weapons.

Still, every act of aggression between nations, every act of terror and corruption and cruelty and oppression that we see around the world shows our work is never done. We may not be able to eliminate man’s capacity to do evil, so nations and the alliances that we form must possess the means to defend ourselves. But among those nations like my own that hold nuclear stockpiles, we must have the courage to escape the logic of fear and pursue a world without them.

We may not realize this goal in my lifetime, but persistent effort can roll back the possibility of catastrophe. We can chart a course that leads to the destruction of these stockpiles. We can stop the spread to new nations and secure deadly materials from fanatics.

And yet that is not enough. For we see around the world today how even the crudest rifles and barrel bombs can serve up violence on a terrible scale. We must change our mind-set about war itself. To prevent conflict through diplomacy and strive to end conflicts after they’ve begun. To see our growing interdependence as a cause for peaceful cooperation and not violent competition. To define our nations not by our capacity to destroy but by what we build. And perhaps, above all, we must reimagine our connection to one another as members of one human race.

For this, too, is what makes our species unique. We’re not bound by genetic code to repeat the mistakes of the past. We can learn. We can choose. We can tell our children a different story, one that describes a common humanity, one that makes war less likely and cruelty less easily accepted.

We see these stories in the hibakusha. The woman who forgave a pilot who flew the plane that dropped the atomic bomb because she recognized that what she really hated was war itself. The man who sought out families of Americans killed here because he believed their loss was equal to his own.

My own nation’s story began with simple words: All men are created equal and endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights including life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Realizing that ideal has never been easy, even within our own borders, even among our own citizens. But staying true to that story is worth the effort. It is an ideal to be strived for, an ideal that extends across continents and across oceans. The irreducible worth of every person, the insistence that every life is precious, the radical and necessary notion that we are part of a single human family — that is the story that we all must tell.

That is why we come to Hiroshima. So that we might think of people we love. The first smile from our children in the morning. The gentle touch from a spouse over the kitchen table. The comforting embrace of a parent. We can think of those things and know that those same precious moments took place here, 71 years ago.

Those who died, they are like us. Ordinary people understand this, I think. They do not want more war. They would rather that the wonders of science be focused on improving life and not eliminating it. When the choices made by nations, when the choices made by leaders, reflect this simple wisdom, then the lesson of Hiroshima is done.

The world was forever changed here, but today the children of this city will go through their day in peace. What a precious thing that is. It is worth protecting, and then extending to every child. That is a future we can choose, a future in which Hiroshima and Nagasaki are known not as the dawn of atomic warfare but as the start of our own moral awakening.



ここは日本を代表する朝日新聞の全訳をと思いましたが、会員登録しないと読めないので、ネット系には寛容と思われる産経新聞さんより、全訳を掲載させていただきます。

産経 オバマ大統領広島演説(全文)

71年前の雲一つない明るい朝、空から死が舞い降り、世界は変わった。閃光(せんこう)と火柱が都市を破壊し、人類は自ら破壊する手段を手にすることを示した。

 われわれはなぜ広島に来たのか。そう遠くない過去に解き放たれた残虐な力に思いをめぐらせるためだ。われわれは命を落とした10万人を超える日本の男女、子供、何千人もの朝鮮半島出身者、十数人の米国人捕虜を悼む。

 その魂が私たちに話しかけてくる。彼らはわれわれに対し、もっと内なる心に目をむけ、自分の今の姿とこれからなるであろう姿を見るように訴える。

 広島を際立たせているのは、戦争という事実ではない。過去の遺物は、暴力による争いが最初の人類とともに出現していたことをわれわれに教えてくれる。初期の人類は、火打ち石から刃物を作り、木からやりを作る方法を学び、これらの道具を、狩りだけでなく同じ人類に対しても使った。

 いずれの大陸も文明の歴史は戦争で満ちており、食糧不足や黄金への渇望に駆り立てられ、民族主義者の熱意や宗教上の熱情にせき立てられた。帝国は台頭し、そして衰退した。民族は支配下に置かれ、解放されたりしてきた。転換点において罪のない人々が苦しみ、数え切れない多くの人が犠牲となり、彼らの名前は時がたつと忘れ去られてきた。

 広島と長崎で残酷な終焉(しゅうえん)を迎えた世界大戦は、最も豊かで強い国家間で勃発した。彼らの文明は偉大な都市と素晴らしい芸術を育んでいた。思想家は正義と調和、真実という理念を発達させていた。しかし、戦争は、初期の部族間で争いを引き起こしてきたのと同様に支配あるいは征服の基本的本能により生じてきた。抑制を伴わない新たな能力が、昔からのパターンを増幅させた。

 ほんの数年の間で約6千万人が死んだ。男性、女性、子供たちはわれわれと変わるところがない人たちだった。撃たれたり、殴られたり、連行されたり、爆弾を落とされたり、投獄されたり、飢えさせられたり、毒ガスを使われたりして死んだ。

 世界各地には、勇気や勇敢な行動を伝える記念碑や、言葉にできないような悪行を映す墓や空っぽの収容所など、この戦争を記録する場所が多くある。

 しかし、この空に上がった、きのこ雲のイメージが、われわれに人類の根本的な矛盾を想起させた。われわれを人類たらしめる能力、思想、想像、言語、道具づくりや、自然とは違う能力、自然をわれわれの意志に従わせる能力、これらのものが無類の破壊能力をわれわれにもたらした。

 物質的進歩や社会革新がこの真実から、われわれの目を曇らせることがどれほど多いであろうか。高邁(こうまい)な理由で暴力を正当化することはどれほど安易なことか。

 偉大な全ての宗教は愛や平和、公正な道を約束している。一方で、どの宗教もその信仰が殺人を許容していると主張するような信者の存在から逃れることはない。

 国家は、犠牲と協力を結び付ける物語をつむぎながら発展してきた。さまざまな偉業を生んだが、この物語が抑圧や相違を持つ人々の人間性を奪うことにも使われてきた。科学はわれわれに海を越えてコミュニケーションを取ることを可能にし、空を飛び、病気を治し、宇宙を理解することを可能にした。しかし同じ発見は、より効果的な殺人機械へとなり得る。

 現代の戦争はこうした真実をわれわれに伝える。広島はこの真実を伝える。人間社会の発展なき技術の進展はわれわれを破滅させる。原子核の分裂につながった科学的な革命は、倫理上の革命も求められることにつながる。

 だからこそわれわれはこの地に来た。この街の中心に立ち、爆弾が投下されたときの瞬間について考えることを自らに強いる。惨禍を目にした子供たちの恐怖を感じることを自らに課す。

 無言の泣き声に耳を澄ませる。われわれはあの恐ろしい戦争やその前の戦争、その後に起きた戦争で殺された全ての罪なき人々に思いをはせる。

 単なる言葉でその苦しみを表すことはできない。しかし、われわれは歴史を直視し、そのような苦しみを繰り返さないために何をしなければならないかを問う共通の責任がある。

 いつの日か、生き証人たちの声は聞こえなくなるだろう。しかし1945年8月6日の朝の記憶は決して風化させてはならない。記憶はわれわれの想像力を養い、われわれを変えさせてくれる。

 あの運命の日以来、われわれは希望をもたらす選択もしてきた。米国と日本は同盟関係を築くだけでなく、戦争を通じて得られるものよりももっと多くのものを国民にもたらす友情を築いた。

 欧州の国々は戦場に代わって、交易や民主主義により結ばれている。抑圧された人々や国々は自由を勝ち取った。国際社会は戦争を回避し、核兵器の存在を規制、削減し、完全に廃絶するための機関を創設し協定を結んだ。

 それにも関わらず、世界中で見られる国家間のテロや腐敗、残虐行為や抑圧は、われわれがすべきことには終わりがないことを示している。われわれは人類が悪事を働く能力を除去することはできないかもしれないし、われわれが同盟を組んでいる国々は自らを守る手段を持たなければならない。

 しかし、わが国を含む、それらの国々は核兵器を貯蔵しており、われわれは恐怖の論理から抜け出し、核兵器のない世界を希求する勇気を持たなければならない。こうした目標は私の生きている間は実現しないかもしれないが、粘り強い取り組みが惨禍の可能性を引き下げる。

 われわれはこうした保有核兵器の廃棄に導く道筋を描くことができる。われわれは、新たな国々に拡散したり、致死性の高い物質が狂信者の手に渡ったりするのを防ぐことができる。しかし、まだそれでは不十分だ。なぜなら、われわれは今日、世界中で原始的なライフル銃やたる爆弾でさえ恐るべきスケールの暴力をもたらすことができることを、目の当たりにしているからだ。

 われわれは戦争そのものに対する考え方を変えなければならない。外交を通じて紛争を予防し、始まってしまった紛争を終わらせる努力するために。増大していくわれわれの相互依存関係を、暴力的な競争でなく、平和的な協力の理由として理解するために。破壊する能力によってではなく、築くものによってわれわれの国家を定義するために。そして何よりも、われわれは一つの人類として、お互いの関係を再び認識しなければならない。このことこそが、われわれ人類を独自なものにするのだ。

 われわれは過去の過ちを繰り返す遺伝子によって縛られてはいない。われわれは学ぶことができる。われわれは選択することができる。われわれは子供たちに違う話をすることができ、それは共通の人間性を描き出すことであり、戦争を今より少なくなるようにすること、残酷さをたやすく受け入れることを今よりも少なくすることである。

 われわれはこれらの話をヒバクシャ(被爆者)の中に見ることができる。ある女性は、原爆を投下した飛行機の操縦士を許した。本当に憎むべきは戦争そのものであることに気付いたからだ。ある男性は、ここで死亡した米国人の家族を探し出した。その家族の失ったものは、自分自身が失ったものと同じであることに気付いたからだ。

 わが国は単純な言葉で始まった。「人類は全て、創造主によって平等につくられ、生きること、自由、そして幸福を希求することを含む、奪うことのできない権利を与えられている」

 理想は、自分たちの国内においてさえ、自国の市民の間においてさえ、決して容易ではない。しかし誠実であることには、努力に値する。追求すべき理想であり、大陸と海をまたぐ理想だ。

 全ての人にとってかけがえのない価値、全ての命が大切であるという主張、われわれは人類という一つの家族の仲間であるという根本的で必要な概念。われわれはこれら全ての話を伝えなければならない。

 だからこそ、われわれは広島に来たのだ。われわれが愛する人々のことを考えられるように。朝起きた子供たちの笑顔をまず考えられるように。食卓越しに、夫婦が優しく触れ合うことを考えられるように。両親の温かい抱擁を考えられるように。

 われわれがこうしたことを考えるとき71年前にもここで同じように貴重な時間があったことを思い起こすことができる。亡くなった人々はわれわれと同じ人たちだ。

 普通の人々はこれを理解すると私は思う。彼らは、さらなる戦争を望んでいない。彼らは、科学は生活をより良いものにすることに集中すべきで、生活を台無しにすることに集中してはならないと考えるだろう。

 各国の選択が、あるいは指導者たちの選択がこの単純な分別を反映すれば、広島の教訓は生かされる。

 世界はここ広島で永久に変わってしまったが、この街の子供たちは平和に日常を過ごしている。なんと貴重なことであろうか。これは守るに値し、すべての子供たちに広げていくに値する。これはわれわれが選択できる未来なのだ。

 広島と長崎の将来は、核戦争の夜明けとしてでなく、道徳的な目覚めの契機の場として知られるようになるだろう。そうした未来をわれわれは選び取る。

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November 08, 2012

オバマ勝利宣言 2012


和訳はこちら
goo バラク・オバマ米大統領、再選のスピーチ 全文和訳
http://news.goo.ne.jp/article/gooeditor/world/gooeditor-20121107-04.html

CNN 映像とスピーチ原稿(英文)
http://politicalticker.blogs.cnn.com/2012/11/07/transcript-obamas-victory-speech/

AFP オバマ米大統領が勝利演説、「最高の時代はこれからだ」
http://headlines.yahoo.co.jp/hl?a=20121107-00000030-jij_afp-int

久々にオバマらしい演説でしたね。オバマケアの恩恵を受けた少女とその家族の逸話もあったし、今回のキーワードである「Forward」も出てきたし、かつてのキーワード「hope」も。下の部分なんかは2004年の伝説のスピーチのようです。

America, I believe we can build on the progress we've made and continue to fight for new jobs and new opportunity and new security for the middle class. I believe we can keep the promise of our founders, the idea that if you're willing to work hard, it doesn't matter who you are or where you come from or what you look like or where you love. It doesn't matter whether you're black or white or Hispanic or Asian or Native American or young or old or rich or poor, able, disabled, gay or straight, you can make it here in America if you're willing to try.

ここのところオバマの演説は教条的で面白くなかったのですが、第一回討論会で負けて以来、攻撃的になって、スピーチも昔の情熱を取り戻してきた気がします。あと4年は教育的な内容は少し減らして、もっと情熱的な感じでお願いしたいと、サボリ気味のウォッチャーとしては思ってます。

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September 09, 2012

民主党大会 バラク・オバマ大統領 指名受諾演説

演説原稿
http://www.npr.org/2012/09/06/160713941/transcript-president-obamas-convention-speech

日経 オバマ大統領が受諾演説へ 製造業雇用100万人増
http://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXNASGN0700K_X00C12A9000000/

AFP 米大統領選、オバマ大統領が指名受諾演説 民主党大会最終日
http://www.afpbb.com/article/politics/2899529/9476831?ctm_campaign=txt_topics

CNN オバマ大統領が指名受諾演説、再選目指す
http://www.cnn.co.jp/usa/35021465.html


民主党大会の最後に登場したのがオバマ大統領。演説の名手ですから当然期待も高まるのですが………あれ? 20分以上盛り上がらず、最後のほうはお得意の逸話を入れた演説にしてテンポ上げましたが、あまり盛り上がらないまま終了。

概要は上記記事をご参照いただければと想いますが、内容としては具体的な政策について一つひとつ丁寧に説明するものでした。でも、真面目一辺倒で面白くない。言いたいことを列挙し、共和党陣営の指摘にすべて答えるというスタイルなんだと思いますし、オバマの政策の弁護は他の人が散々しているので、オバマ自身は地に足のついた、大統領としての考えを述べるという役割分担だとは思うんですが、ちょっと肩透かしだったんじゃないでしょうか。

ただ、この傾向はオバマの大統領就任演説から続いているもので、オバマも責任ある発言をしようと思っているんだろうなとは思います。でも、次はもうちょっと面白くして盛り上げたほうがいいんじゃないでしょうかね。見てるほうも疲れるって。

キーワードはあちこちで言われていますが「Choice」。これはクリントンも言ってましたね。勝者の論理の共和党陣営と、みなで良くしていこうという我々とどっちを選ぶのかという点ですね。


全体としては、共和党より評価は高いようで支持率が上がっています。

ロイター オバマ大統領の演説がツイート記録更新、ロムニー陣営圧倒
http://jp.reuters.com/article/jpUSpolitics/idJPTYE88700C20120908

オバマ氏の指名受諾演説に関するツイートは、演説の終了直後に1分当たり5万2756ツイートに達し、過去最多となった。

日経 党大会効果はオバマ氏に軍配 米大統領選
http://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXNASGM0801V_Y2A900C1FF8000/

ロイター 米大統領選、オバマ氏の支持率がロムニー氏を再び上回る=調査
http://jp.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idJPTYE88606K20120907

今回の民主党大会は初のヒスパニック系の基調演説や、不法滞在者の子ども、医療保険で助けられた人など、民主党が進める政策に沿った人々が登場した点も評価されるんじゃないでしょうか。

日本では、オバマが演説で日本に触れなかったと残念そうに伝えていますが、日米同盟関係も崩しまくっている政権ですし経済力も落ちていますから仕方ないですね。別に属国じゃないですから、アメリカにどう言われるかより、自分たちで何とかしなきゃ。


ところで、思わぬ援軍が(笑)。

WSJ オバマ氏は「誠実」、ロムニー氏は「間違っている」―プーチン大統領が評価
http://jp.wsj.com/World/node_507886

とはいえ8月の雇用統計は予想を下回ったので、行方は今後の経済次第かもしれないですね。

Bloomberg オバマ氏再選に向けた熱気冷ます恐れ-米雇用統計が示す現実http://www.bloomberg.co.jp/news/123-MA0QV76TTDS001.html


でも、敵がオウンゴール気味(笑)。

戦時下にあるにもかかわらずロムニーが指名受諾演説で兵士らに触れなかったことを、FOXニュースのインタビュー中に批判されて、「演説とは重要だと思うことを言うものだ」と言ってしまったらしいです。兵士は重要だと思ってないってことかと批判されることに…。(民主党からも批判されてましたけど)

Romney On Omitting U.S. Troops From RNC Speech: ‘You Talk About Things You Think Are Important’
http://thinkprogress.org/security/2012/09/07/813831/romney-rnc-speech-troops-important/

11月6日の大統領選挙まであとおよそ2カ月。今後はディベートに注目ですね。


<ディベート日程>

10月1日  米大統領候補第1回討論会(デンバー)
10月16日 米大統領候補第2回討論会(NY州ヘンプステッド)
10月22日 米大統領候補第3回討論会(フロリダ州ポカラドン)


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May 03, 2012

オバマ、アフガンを電撃訪問

ビン・ラディン殺害から1年で、オバマがアフガンを訪問したそうで。

え〜そうだっけ、と思ったら、確かに…。

jin and tonic ビン・ラディン死亡についての声明
http://jinandtonic.air-nifty.com/blog/2011/05/post-6b07.html

以下、ニュースまとめ

ロイター 米大統領がアフガンを電撃訪問、ビンラディン殺害1周年に
http://jp.reuters.com/article/topNews/idJPTYE84006H20120501

日経 米軍、14年以降もアフガン駐留継続へ 戦略協定に署名
http://www.nikkei.com/news/latest/article/g=96958A9C9381959FE2E0E2E1958DE2E0E2E7E0E2E3E09494E3E2E2E2

CNN 米大統領、「アフガンでの任務、責任持って終わらせる」 アフガン電撃訪問で演説
http://www.cnn.co.jp/world/30006449.html

AFP タリバン、「米アフガン協定は正当性欠く」 カブールで自動車爆弾攻撃
http://www.afpbb.com/article/war-unrest/2875667/8883197?ctm_campaign=txt_topics

以下、アフガン訪問の様子です。

アフガンの演説

アフガンの米軍を慰問


野田首相との首脳会談はサービス満点だったけど、その直後にアフガン訪問ですから…。同盟国としてカモフラージュに協力できて光栄です。はい。

ジョン・スチュワートが、共和党のオバマへの批判をコケにしているらしい。オバマがビン・ラディンの殺害を手柄のように言っているって、共和党はdisっているそうなんだ。で、もし共和党がビン・ラディンを殺害していたら…というものだそうです。大福姐(conanboxer)さんのツイートから拾いました。

The Daily Show with Jon StewartMon - Thurs 11p / 10c
Victory Lapse - The Anniversary of Osama bin Laden's Death
www.thedailyshow.com
Daily Show Full EpisodesPolitical Humor & Satire BlogThe Daily Show on Facebook

あと、これ素晴らしいわ。米国ホワイトハウスのサイトでは、自分が納めた税金がどのように配分されてるのかが誰にでも具体的にわかるサイトを作って最近発表したそうなんです。このリンクはTrinityNYCさんのツイートからいただきました。

ホワイトハウス YOUR FEDERAL TAXPAYER RECEIPT
http://www.whitehouse.gov/2011-taxreceipt

防衛費25%は半端ない! 日本もこれやってから、消費税増税とか言ってほしいですわ。Tax

<追記>
オバマ大統領の暗殺計画=ビンラディン容疑者文書で判明-米
http://www.jiji.com/jc/zc?k=201205/2012050400292

アルカイダ指導部は、大統領の職を引き継ぐ用意ができていないバイデン氏が大統領になれば、米国は混乱に陥り、危機にひんするとみていた。
バイデンってそこまで無能じゃないと思うけど…。(クエールじゃないんだからさあ…)

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May 04, 2011

2011年記者クラブ主催 大統領ジョーク演説会

お探しの方がいらっしゃったようなので、リンクしておきます。毎年恒例の記者クラブ主催大統領ジョーク演説会wです。ただし今年はビン・ラディン殺害作戦の前日です。大統領はタフでなければ生きていけないですねえ…。

オバマは5日にNYに行くそうですが、くれぐれも気をつけてほしいなと思います。


Remarks by the President at the White House Correspondents Association Dinner
http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/05/01/remarks-president-white-house-correspondents-association-dinner

The Washington Hilton Washington, D.C.

10:01 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: All right, everybody, please have a seat. (Applause.)

My fellow Americans. (Laughter and applause.) Mahalo! (Laughter.) It is wonderful to be here at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. What a week. (Laughter.) As some of you heard, the state of Hawaii released my official long-form birth certificate. (Applause.)

Hopefully this puts all doubts to rest. But just in case there are any lingering questions, tonight I’m prepared to go a step further. (Laughter.) Tonight, for the first time, I am releasing my official birth video. (Laughter.)

Now, I warn you -- (laughter) -- no one has seen this footage in 50 years, not even me. But let’s take a look.

(“Secret Birth Video” plays.) (Applause.)

Oh, well. Back to square one. (Laughter.) I want to make clear to the Fox News table: That was a joke. (Laughter.) That was not my real birth video. (Laughter.) That was a children’s cartoon. (Laughter.) Call Disney if you don't believe me. (Laughter.) They have the original long-form version. (Laughter.)

Anyway, it’s good to be back with so many esteemed guests. Celebrities. Senators. Journalists. Essential government employees. (Laughter.) Non-essential government employees. (Laughter.) You know who you are. (Laughter.)

I am very much looking forward to hearing Seth Meyers tonight. (Applause.) He’s a young, fresh face who can do no wrong in the eyes of his fans. Seth, enjoy it while it lasts. (Laughter.)

Yes, I think it is fair to say that when it comes to my presidency, the honeymoon is over. (Laughter.) For example, some people now suggest that I’m too professorial. And I’d like to address that head-on, by assigning all of you some reading that will help you draw your own conclusions. (Laughter.) Others say that I'm arrogant. But I've found a really great self-help tool for this: my poll numbers. (Laughter.)

I’ve even let down my key core constituency: movie stars. Just the other day, Matt Damon -- I love Matt Damon, love the guy -- Matt Damon said he was disappointed in my performance. Well, Matt, I just saw “The Adjustment Bureau,” so -- (laughter) -- right back atcha, buddy. (Laughter and applause.)

Of course, there’s someone who I can always count on for support: my wonderful wife Michelle. (Applause.) We made a terrific team at the Easter Egg Roll this week. I’d give out bags of candy to the kids, and she’d snatch them right back out of their little hands. (Laughter.) Snatched them. (Laughter.)

And where is the National Public Radio table? (Cheering.) You guys are still here? (Laughter.) That's good. I couldn’t remember where we landed on that. (Laughter.) Now, I know you were a little tense when the GOP tried to cut your funding, but personally I was looking forward to new programming like “No Things Considered” -- (laughter) -- or “Wait, Wait…Don't Fund Me.” (Laughter.)

Of course, the deficit is a serious issue. That's why Paul Ryan couldn’t be here tonight. His budget has no room for laughter. (Laughter.)

Michele Bachmann is here, though, I understand, and she is thinking about running for President, which is weird because I hear she was born in Canada. (Laughter.) Yes, Michele, this is how it starts. (Laughter.) Just letting you know. (Laughter and applause.)

Tim Pawlenty? He seems all American. But have you heard his real middle name? Tim “Hosni” Pawlenty? (Laughter.) What a shame. (Laughter.)

My buddy, our outstanding ambassador, Jon Huntsman, is with us. Now, there’s something you might not know about Jon. He didn’t learn to speak Chinese to go there. Oh no. (Laughter.) He learned English to come here. (Laughter and applause.)

And then there’s a vicious rumor floating around that I think could really hurt Mitt Romney. I heard he passed universal health care when he was governor of Massachusetts. (Laughter.) Someone should get to the bottom of that.

And I know just the guy to do it -– Donald Trump is here tonight! (Laughter and applause.) Now, I know that he’s taken some flak lately, but no one is happier, no one is prouder to put this birth certificate matter to rest than the Donald. (Laughter.) And that’s because he can finally get back to focusing on the issues that matter –- like, did we fake the moon landing? (Laughter.) What really happened in Roswell? (Laughter.) And where are Biggie and Tupac? (Laughter and applause.)

But all kidding aside, obviously, we all know about your credentials and breadth of experience. (Laughter.) For example -- no, seriously, just recently, in an episode of Celebrity Apprentice -- (laughter) -- at the steakhouse, the men’s cooking team cooking did not impress the judges from Omaha Steaks. And there was a lot of blame to go around. But you, Mr. Trump, recognized that the real problem was a lack of leadership. And so ultimately, you didn’t blame Lil’ Jon or Meatloaf. (Laughter.) You fired Gary Busey. (Laughter.) And these are the kind of decisions that would keep me up at night. (Laughter and applause.) Well handled, sir. (Laughter.) Well handled.

Say what you will about Mr. Trump, he certainly would bring some change to the White House. Let’s see what we’ve got up there. (Laughter.)

(Screens show “Trump White House Resort and Casino.”)

So, yes, this has been quite a year in politics, but also in the movies. Many people, for instance, were inspired by the King’s Speech. It’s a wonderful film. (Applause.) Well, some of you may not know this, but there's now a sequel in the works that touches close to home. And because this is a Hollywood crowd, tonight I can offer a sneak peek. So can we show the trailer, please?

(The parody trailer plays.) (Applause.)

Coming to a theater near you. (Applause.)

Let me close on a serious note. We are having a good time, but as has been true for the last several years, we have incredible young men and women who are serving in uniform overseas in the most extraordinary of circumstances. (Applause.) And we are reminded of their courage and their valor. (Applause.)

We also need to remember our neighbors in Alabama and across the South that have been devastated by terrible storms from last week. (Applause.) Michelle and I were down there yesterday, and we’ve spent a lot of time with some of the folks who have been affected. The devastation is unimaginable and is heartbreaking and it’s going to be a long road back. And so we need to keep those Americans in our thoughts and in our prayers. But we also need to stand with them in the hard months and perhaps years to come.

I intend to make sure that the federal government does that. And I’ve got faith that the journalists in this room will do their part for the people who have been affected by this disaster –- by reporting on their progress, and letting the rest of America know when they will need more help. Those are stories that need telling. And that’s what all of you do best, whether it’s rushing to the site of a devastating storm in Alabama, or braving danger to cover a revolution in the Middle East.

You know, in the last months, we’ve seen journalists threatened, arrested, beaten, attacked, and in some cases even killed simply for doing their best to bring us the story, to give people a voice, and to hold leaders accountable. And through it all, we’ve seen daring men and women risk their lives for the simple idea that no one should be silenced, and everyone deserves to know the truth.

That’s what you do. At your best that's what journalism is. That’s the principle that you uphold. It is always important, but it’s especially important in times of challenge, like the moment that America and the world is facing now.

So I thank you for your service and the contributions that you make. And I want to close by recognizing not only your service, but also to remember those that have been lost as a consequence of the extraordinary reporting that they’ve done over recent weeks. They help, too, to defend our freedoms and allow democracy to flourish.

God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)

END
10:19 P.M. EDT


ジョークの雰囲気が知りたい方はこちらをどうぞ↓

CNN.co.jp:オバマ大統領が披露した「出生ビデオ」、その内容は……
http://www.cnn.co.jp/usa/30002621.html

時事ドットコム:トランプ氏に「逆襲」=出生地問題で辛口ジョーク-米大統領
http://www.jiji.com/jc/c?g=int_30&k=2011050100088


ジョークの標的にされたトランプは、ロムニーより人気なのか…。おいおい。

米不動産王トランプ氏、大統領選出馬へ向けて加速 写真3枚 国際ニュース : AFPBB News
http://www.afpbb.com/article/politics/2797817/7154985

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